Afghanistan Through A Peace Corps Lens
An old joke: A motorist gets a flat tire outside a mental institution. As he puts on the spare, one of the patients quietly studies him from over the fence. When the motorist is finished, he reaches for the lug-nuts, but they fall into a storm drain. He curses and mutters to himself, “Now what am I going to do?” The mental patient says, “Remove one nut from each of the other three tires.” The guy stares at him in amazement. “How did you think of that?” The patient answers, “I may be crazy, but I’m not stupid.”
Arguably, two critical assumptions responsible for the events in Iraq (and the pending disaster in Afghanistan) are (1) that men who wear ties and jackets and carry briefcases and Blackberries are “smarter” than men who wear funny clothes and ride camels, and (2) that, in the grand scheme of things, a technologically superior military force will always defeat a technologically inferior one.
As an ex-Peace Corps volunteer (India), I watch with increasing alarm the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan, marveling at how—despite the obvious lessons of Vietnam—the combination of naïve optimism, institutional arrogance, career advancement, and old-fashioned stubbornness can more or less constitute a foreign policy.
Back in those days, Peace Corps training required three months, ten hours a day, of studying the language (Hindi), customs, religion, history, and politics of India. This stuff had to be learned before we were allowed to represent the United States as volunteers. The program was rigorous. A large number of trainees were “de-selected,” the State Department’s euphemism for washed-out.
Our teachers were Indian and American academics. Every candidate in our group had a college education and every one of us was culturally empathetic and idealistic. That was the kind of person the Peace Corps attracted. As a means of weeding out any potential weirdoes or misfits, we were required to meet with a psychologist once every two weeks and a psychiatrist once a month.
Yet, for all this preparation, once in India, we committed social blunder after social blunder. Despite desperately wanting to make a good impression, we regularly embarrassed and disappointed our Indian hosts. We inadvertently insulted them, alienated them, confused, dismayed, and angered them; on occasion we made utter fools of ourselves. And we did this with some of the best training you could get.
Which brings us to Afghanistan. Apparently, the U.S. military—under the rubric of “counter-insurgency”—has been assigned the task of laying the groundwork for the nation building that’s expected to follow. While the notion that something as wildly ambitious as “nation building” (particularly in a country as recalcitrant as Afghanistan) can be successful is, by itself, mind-boggling, the belief that the foundation can be laid by Marines is close to preposterous.
Even though Peace Corps volunteers aren’t experts on political policy or international relations, they do know a thing or two about cross-cultural exchanges. If you were to ask any ex-volunteer who they think would be the worst possible choice for an emissary or ambassador to a foreign country—particularly one expected to mingle at the village level—they’d tell you it would be a soldier.
Villagers already know who Americans are. They know we have everything and they have nothing. They know we’re rich, powerful and aggressive, and they assume—rightly or wrongly—that Americans are going to consider their country an economic and cultural cesspool. If we pretend they’re not poor and backward, we’re patronizing; if we pretend it doesn’t matter, we’re condescending.
Although these people are, by our lights, “primitive,” it is a profound error to assume they’re stupid. Yet, that seems to be the prevailing assumption. Indeed, if we didn’t assume they were less intelligent—if we didn’t think they were too dumb to distinguish between ambassadors and combat soldiers—we wouldn’t be using 19-year old Marines as cultural liaisons.
Still, you hear Pentagon brass glibly defend this policy by assuring skeptics that these soldiers will be provided with all the necessary “sensitivity training” required for the job, including removing their robo-cop sunglasses when conversing with villagers, traveling on foot instead of in motorized convoys, and passing out chocolate bars and medical supplies.
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I don't think the assumptions
I don't think the assumptions are fair. The people who are paid to be there with aid money aren't smarter than anyone else. Mercy Corps has an RPCV there and she went in with the Green Berets as a reporter and worked her way up in aid money. She gives the military the 'sensitivity training.' They gave a lot of money to the Afghans like the Green Berets. Obama wants to do this again, but he won't see the US general in charge of that war. He won't give them more troops they need.
Vietnam is an excellent analogy. Obama's answer was to bomb more. The Pakistan conflict was always a goal for those paid by US aid to work with the Afghans. Obama's answer is more money for the Afghans along with more people paid to help. Pakistan just got more aid money through a US bill they never voted on. Afghanistan will be the same and more people will be paid with US aid money to help. The US military says it needs more troops and they should get those right away, but we need to work on more aid money and more people paid by US aid money to help. If we don't give the military what it needs to fight the war, what are the chances that that aid money and employees will be there?
As far as poor, backward cesspools; I don't think the Afghans think of themselves that way and neither does the military or aid workers.
The emissaries to Afghanistan and Iraq are both RPCVs. How effective have they been? Is the aid money flowing? Cultural liaisons? A 19 year old Marine is an American and a federal employee. A 19 year Peace Corps Volunteer is the same. We're fighting two wars and one conflict and I can't think of a better representative of America than a soldier.